December 13, 2007 Edition 1 - Pretoria News SOUTH AFRICA
I believe that Africa's oldest and highly profiled liberation movement is at a crossroads.
After 14 years of rule, the ANC is still battling with the pangs of post-apartheid freedom, as manifested by the robust exchanges between the comrades.
Nevertheless, the ANC still enjoys mass-based support on a scale that is almost unrivalled in the world, despite its current wrangles.
Xhosas and Zulus, Hindus and Muslims, English-speakers and Afrikaners, Jews and Christians, Khoisans and "Coloureds", have all found shelter in the "broad church" of the ANC.
The collective leadership of the ANC, from Luthuli to Tambo to Mandela, set a very high standard of leadership.
It is through these men that South Africans were able to find a common purpose.
Throughout the Struggle, many people sacrificed their lives, careers, properties and families in support of the ANC, which many times appeared to be fighting a losing battle against the apartheid regime.
Yet, despite the high cost of victory, being the "broad church" that it is, the ANC was big enough to forgive and shelter apartheid collaborators in the new democracy - something that may be a festering source of irritation among loyalists.
Experts will concede that politics is an agent of change, a powerful catalyst that strives to accommodate divergent groups in a peaceful union.
The ANC has governed remarkably since the transition.
The fact that the 2010 Fifa World Cup is to be staged here is proof of the confidence we inspire as a nation.
We are the heartbeat of Africa.
Sadly, not everything the ANC has done has been a success.
Black Economic Empowerment is seen by many as a "get rich quick" scheme that favours the few at the expense of many.
It is policies like this that have created a dangerous chasm between Luthuli House and the masses.
While the leadership is engaging each other in a no-holds-barred tussle in Polokwane for the presidency, ordinary supporters are hoping the ANC can once again unite the masses in this turbulent time.
Unity remains uppermost in the minds of those who have given so much and suffered so much for the ANC.
The dream of a non-racial and non-sexist democracy, sprinkled with ubuntu and defined by the spirit of ubuntu and batho pele is still a cherished one - and one that has yet to be fully realised.
In the ANC, populist leaders will come and go.
The "broad church" that is the ANC will weather the storms and stand proudly in the sunshine that follows, held up by the pillars of unity, non-racialism, social justice and human rights.
Now is therefore the time for a clarion call to disciplined delegates to vote with their heads, and not their hearts, to set into motion a holistic strategy of putting the interests of all South Africans first.
Unite us.
Marlan Padayachee
Dateline: Pretoria, South Africa
13.12.2007
First published in the Pretoria News
Sunday, December 23, 2007
Friday, December 14, 2007
Thanks for the laugh - the enterprising Google search for Zuma Jacob in Texas
Thanks for the laugh!
From: MARLAN PADAYACHEE
Westville
With all the high drama (or high stakes) ahead of what I believe will be popularised as the "Polokwane Presidency", the piece by Peter Fabricius, “Will the real Jacob Zuma stand up and be counted?” provided a good light-hearted read, in the reporter's Google search for JZ in Texas.
During this "silly season" we tend to be too serious of life under the rainbow (but don't drop your guard on crime, corruption and domestic violence), so here's hoping that those chronicling the political jamboree will also bring out the humour, side-shows and anecdotes to enrich us with the other side of the split-personality of the ANC.
Dateline: Durban South Africa
Published on Page 6 in Independent on Saturday, December 15, 2007, South Africa
From: MARLAN PADAYACHEE
Westville
With all the high drama (or high stakes) ahead of what I believe will be popularised as the "Polokwane Presidency", the piece by Peter Fabricius, “Will the real Jacob Zuma stand up and be counted?” provided a good light-hearted read, in the reporter's Google search for JZ in Texas.
During this "silly season" we tend to be too serious of life under the rainbow (but don't drop your guard on crime, corruption and domestic violence), so here's hoping that those chronicling the political jamboree will also bring out the humour, side-shows and anecdotes to enrich us with the other side of the split-personality of the ANC.
Dateline: Durban South Africa
Published on Page 6 in Independent on Saturday, December 15, 2007, South Africa
Thursday, December 13, 2007
ANC members must vote with their heads
ANC members must vote with their heads
In response to the commentaries, analysis and reporting in the run-up to the simmering tensions within the African National Congress en route to Polokwane, I believe Africa’s oldest liberation movement is at the crossroads.
Widely regarded as the ‘broad church’ by supporters who have revered the ANC, it still enjoys mass-based support that is almost unrivalled in the world.
Under the flagship of the shield, spear and wheel emblem, Xhosas and Zulus, Hindus and Muslims, English and Afrikaners, Jews and Christians, Khoisans and coloureds, have found each other in this ‘broad church’.
The collective leadership of the ANC, from Luthuli, Mandela, Tambo, and others, set a high standard for the party.
In the past 96 years, too many people have given too much, having sacrificed their lives, careers, properties and families in their loyal support of the ANC.
The ‘broad church’ that it is, the ANC was big enough to forgive and shelter apartheid collaborators in the new democracy. But experts will concede that politics is in itself an agent of change, a powerful catalyst that strives to accommodate divergent groups to give peace a chance.
While the ANC has governed remarkably since the changing of the guards, with the 2010 FIFA World Cup coup cited as one of its most spectacular successes, there have also been many shortfalls in its political portfolio.
It is precisely the sharp contrasts and anomalies, such as the ‘get-rich’ scheme that favours the political elite via Black Economic Empowerment versus the crumbs for the cadres that has created a dangerous chasm between Luthuli House and the masses.
While the leadership is engaging each other in a gloves-off tussle for the Polokwane presidency, ordinary supporters and admirers, from intellectuals to teenagers who wear the green, gold and black colours with pride, are looking to this ‘broad church’ to unite a country that is still grappling with a myriad post-apartheid socio-economic challenges.
Unity remains uppermost in the minds of those who have given so much, suffered so much. for the ANC.
The dream of a non-racial and non-sexist democracy, sprinkled with ubuntu (humaneness) and batho pele (putting people first), is still cherished by those who have put their very lives and careers on the line for this utopian dream.
In the ANC, individuals, iconic leaders and populists will come and go.
The ‘broad church’ that is the ANC will weather the storms and the sunshine, standing firmly on its pillars of unity, non-racialism, social justice and human rights to be judged by history.
Now is therefore the time for a clarion call to disciplined delegates to vote with their heads, and not their hearts, to set into motion a broad-brush, holistic, collective and global strategy of putting the interest of all South Africans first and far above party politics.
MARLAN PADAYACHEE
Westville
South Africa
Dateline: Durban, South Africa: Published on Page 12 Daily News (South Africa) on 12 December 2007
In response to the commentaries, analysis and reporting in the run-up to the simmering tensions within the African National Congress en route to Polokwane, I believe Africa’s oldest liberation movement is at the crossroads.
Widely regarded as the ‘broad church’ by supporters who have revered the ANC, it still enjoys mass-based support that is almost unrivalled in the world.
Under the flagship of the shield, spear and wheel emblem, Xhosas and Zulus, Hindus and Muslims, English and Afrikaners, Jews and Christians, Khoisans and coloureds, have found each other in this ‘broad church’.
The collective leadership of the ANC, from Luthuli, Mandela, Tambo, and others, set a high standard for the party.
In the past 96 years, too many people have given too much, having sacrificed their lives, careers, properties and families in their loyal support of the ANC.
The ‘broad church’ that it is, the ANC was big enough to forgive and shelter apartheid collaborators in the new democracy. But experts will concede that politics is in itself an agent of change, a powerful catalyst that strives to accommodate divergent groups to give peace a chance.
While the ANC has governed remarkably since the changing of the guards, with the 2010 FIFA World Cup coup cited as one of its most spectacular successes, there have also been many shortfalls in its political portfolio.
It is precisely the sharp contrasts and anomalies, such as the ‘get-rich’ scheme that favours the political elite via Black Economic Empowerment versus the crumbs for the cadres that has created a dangerous chasm between Luthuli House and the masses.
While the leadership is engaging each other in a gloves-off tussle for the Polokwane presidency, ordinary supporters and admirers, from intellectuals to teenagers who wear the green, gold and black colours with pride, are looking to this ‘broad church’ to unite a country that is still grappling with a myriad post-apartheid socio-economic challenges.
Unity remains uppermost in the minds of those who have given so much, suffered so much. for the ANC.
The dream of a non-racial and non-sexist democracy, sprinkled with ubuntu (humaneness) and batho pele (putting people first), is still cherished by those who have put their very lives and careers on the line for this utopian dream.
In the ANC, individuals, iconic leaders and populists will come and go.
The ‘broad church’ that is the ANC will weather the storms and the sunshine, standing firmly on its pillars of unity, non-racialism, social justice and human rights to be judged by history.
Now is therefore the time for a clarion call to disciplined delegates to vote with their heads, and not their hearts, to set into motion a broad-brush, holistic, collective and global strategy of putting the interest of all South Africans first and far above party politics.
MARLAN PADAYACHEE
Westville
South Africa
Dateline: Durban, South Africa: Published on Page 12 Daily News (South Africa) on 12 December 2007
Tuesday, December 4, 2007
Violence continues against women
WOMEN in South Africa continue to receive the short end of the stick as more and more become the new victims of rape, abuse and domestic violence.
A young democracy, but a strong patriarchal society with a liberal human rights policy against convicted criminals, including rapists and murderers, SA is fraught with serious problems linked to domestic violence and the abuse of women and children, with rape said to be the highest in the world.
Since November 25, the country has been campaigning hard during the 16 Days of No Violence against Women.
MARLAN PADAYACHEE, a former member of the Durban-based Advice Desk for the Abused, reflects on some of the issues that made news in the past years.
In this post-modern world, the stoning to death of any human being, and not just a woman, is totally unacceptable, if not downright barbaric. A 31-year-old Nigerian single mother, Amina Lawal Kurami, has a boulder hanging over her head after she was condemned to death by stoning under Islamic sharia law. Her crime? She had sex out of wedlock.
Oil rich Nigeria has just emerged from 15 years of economic sanctions, military rule and dictatorship. Having walked on the pariah promenade like the infamous apartheid state, Lagos has been rewarded with the hosting of the Miss World pageant, a television spectacular that is bound to change the polecat image of this secular country.
Over the years Miss World boss Julia Morley has had to deal with some sticky situations, especially when the old South Africa fielded two candidates. Cape Town’s Pearl Jansen, a coloured, was a compromise candidate who draped the dubious “Africa South” sash over her stunning body. Her white counterpart paraded the official South African ticket on the same world stage.
Decades later, Nigeria, on the threshold of a major sound bite revolution, faces a TV blackout from some indignant contestants opposed to the planned stoning to death of Amina by 2004, once she has weaned her baby.
Inevitably, Nigerian President Olusegan Obasanjo, a former general decorated with the inaugural Africa Peace award in Durban 1993, has been drawn into this shameful scenario and is optimistic the appeal court will quash this sentence. Obasanjo is also a key player in President Thabo Mbeki’s New Partnership for Africa’s Development (Nepad). Already, the ANC Women’s brigade has sent a strong signal to Tuynhuys that our silence will suggest that we condone the stoning to death of women who conceive a child out of wedlock.
Unlike his lukewarm stance on the death of democracy across the Limpopo, the African Union CEO is uncomfortable with the ruling by the Islamic lower court. Also, his MPs have stolen the march on the issue, cajoling him to act decisively and not diplomatically.
Sharia law is a complex issue. Obasanjo’s federal government has opposed the use of sharia in criminal cases. His regime is, however, powerless to act against the country’s mainly northern Muslim states that practice this law that also condemned Safiya Hussaini Tungar-Tudu, the first woman to be sentenced for adultery. Today, she is honorary Roman, after the world raised its voice for clemency and Italy granted her citizenship.
Call it a cattle parade or beauty stakes; the high profile status of Miss World could save the life of a shy, sad-eyed woman dressed in modest Islamic garb. The emancipated beauty brigade is willing to sacrifice fame and fortune so the plight of Nigerian women can be highlighted. The dazzling line-up of swimsuit-clad beauties is stridently putting their best feet forward to stamp out abuse against women.
Ironically, India is still grappling with the gang rape of low-caste women by high caste village overlords and the dreadful dowry system, in which the groom’s family terrorizes brides failing to bring a treasure trove of gifts.
Phoolan Devi became a legend in India and a village folk heroine after she pumped bullets into to high caste men who raped her, one by one, and was immortalized by Bollywood as the Bandit Queen. Her popularity took her to parliament and sadly, also a date with a vengeful assassin.
In Pakistan, six tribesmen who gang-raped Mukhtar Mai, 30, and were acquitted, will now face the hangman’s noose. Her crime? Her brother had illicit sex with a woman from a high status clan.
A young democracy, but a strong patriarchal society with a liberal human rights policy against convicted criminals, including rapists and murderers, SA is fraught with serious problems linked to domestic violence and the abuse of women and children, with rape said to be the highest in the world.
Since November 25, the country has been campaigning hard during the 16 Days of No Violence against Women.
MARLAN PADAYACHEE, a former member of the Durban-based Advice Desk for the Abused, reflects on some of the issues that made news in the past years.
In this post-modern world, the stoning to death of any human being, and not just a woman, is totally unacceptable, if not downright barbaric. A 31-year-old Nigerian single mother, Amina Lawal Kurami, has a boulder hanging over her head after she was condemned to death by stoning under Islamic sharia law. Her crime? She had sex out of wedlock.
Oil rich Nigeria has just emerged from 15 years of economic sanctions, military rule and dictatorship. Having walked on the pariah promenade like the infamous apartheid state, Lagos has been rewarded with the hosting of the Miss World pageant, a television spectacular that is bound to change the polecat image of this secular country.
Over the years Miss World boss Julia Morley has had to deal with some sticky situations, especially when the old South Africa fielded two candidates. Cape Town’s Pearl Jansen, a coloured, was a compromise candidate who draped the dubious “Africa South” sash over her stunning body. Her white counterpart paraded the official South African ticket on the same world stage.
Decades later, Nigeria, on the threshold of a major sound bite revolution, faces a TV blackout from some indignant contestants opposed to the planned stoning to death of Amina by 2004, once she has weaned her baby.
Inevitably, Nigerian President Olusegan Obasanjo, a former general decorated with the inaugural Africa Peace award in Durban 1993, has been drawn into this shameful scenario and is optimistic the appeal court will quash this sentence. Obasanjo is also a key player in President Thabo Mbeki’s New Partnership for Africa’s Development (Nepad). Already, the ANC Women’s brigade has sent a strong signal to Tuynhuys that our silence will suggest that we condone the stoning to death of women who conceive a child out of wedlock.
Unlike his lukewarm stance on the death of democracy across the Limpopo, the African Union CEO is uncomfortable with the ruling by the Islamic lower court. Also, his MPs have stolen the march on the issue, cajoling him to act decisively and not diplomatically.
Sharia law is a complex issue. Obasanjo’s federal government has opposed the use of sharia in criminal cases. His regime is, however, powerless to act against the country’s mainly northern Muslim states that practice this law that also condemned Safiya Hussaini Tungar-Tudu, the first woman to be sentenced for adultery. Today, she is honorary Roman, after the world raised its voice for clemency and Italy granted her citizenship.
Call it a cattle parade or beauty stakes; the high profile status of Miss World could save the life of a shy, sad-eyed woman dressed in modest Islamic garb. The emancipated beauty brigade is willing to sacrifice fame and fortune so the plight of Nigerian women can be highlighted. The dazzling line-up of swimsuit-clad beauties is stridently putting their best feet forward to stamp out abuse against women.
Ironically, India is still grappling with the gang rape of low-caste women by high caste village overlords and the dreadful dowry system, in which the groom’s family terrorizes brides failing to bring a treasure trove of gifts.
Phoolan Devi became a legend in India and a village folk heroine after she pumped bullets into to high caste men who raped her, one by one, and was immortalized by Bollywood as the Bandit Queen. Her popularity took her to parliament and sadly, also a date with a vengeful assassin.
In Pakistan, six tribesmen who gang-raped Mukhtar Mai, 30, and were acquitted, will now face the hangman’s noose. Her crime? Her brother had illicit sex with a woman from a high status clan.
Sunday, December 2, 2007
Lets Blackball Crime
Lets Blackball Crime Before It Whitewashes Us
Expatriates start to lobby for change in SA
Expatriates have put a new spin on crime in South Africa. They have begun doing the right thing from the leftist ranks to raise the profile of a blotted crime sheet that has sullied our spectacular transition to democracy.
Crime has touched the hearts of all races. Almost everyone knows someone who tells a real-life story of a hijacking, smash-and-grab, murder, rape, housebreaking, armed robbery and petty theft.
In the past year, almost 150 police officers have been killed in the line of duty. The daily murder toll of 50 and 350 acts of violent crimes has turned the “Darling of Democracy” into the top three violent-country status behind Iraq and Colombia.
Against this black canvas of shocking statistics, its time to give crime a bad name and hang it.
Under apartheid’s police state, crime was worse, but it just got better under post-apartheid democracy. The legacy of a violent society continues to haunt us.
There are a range of organizations and agencies that have joined the anti-crime lobby, but more action, especially vocally, is needed to collar this scourge that bedevils a highly successful and vibrant society, as epitomised by Johannesburg, SA’s New York.In June 2007, the national annual crime statistics from April 2006 to March 2007, revealed: murder across SA increased by 2.4% (19,202); home invasions up by 25.4% (12,761); motor vehicle hijackings up by 6% (13,599); aggravated robbery up slightly (92,021); business robbery up by 6.5% (6,689); cash in-transit robbery up by 21.9% (467); and bank robbery doubled (129).
Before he was gunned down violently in a Durban restaurant, building contractor Marc Joubert appealed to his expatriate friends to raise their voices against crime. In a knee-jerk reaction, hundreds gathered in London’s high streets to highlight crime, putting a new focus on how to make a powerful statement on this issue through world exposure.
Before that Charles Nqakula, Safety and Security Minister, who told people complaining about the country’s rampant crime rate to “pack your bags and go”, landed in London where he assured expatriate groups that he had declared a war on crime.
In his controversial budget speech spat with opposition MPs in Parliament who had been vocal about SA becoming the crime capital of the world, Nqakula said: “The whingers )complainers) can do one of two things. They can continue to whinge until they are blue in the face … they can be as negative as they want to … or they can simply leave this country."
Apologetically, he later straightened the record: "I must admit I was a bit surprised when what I had said and done had been brought into the public domain in a way which was not intended by me in the first place."
In the UK, he said the legacy of apartheid, widespread poverty and social breakdown had resulted in SA experiencing one of the highest rates of crime in the world.
“I do want to admit right at the outset that the crime levels in South Africa are high. Crime has fallen but not as dramatically as we would have wished.”
According to SA diplomats, 400 000 Britons visited SA every year and all, but a handful emerged unscathed.
The clarion call, therefore, is for all stakeholders to raise the ugly head of crime at a higher pitch.
With this in mind, I joined the KwaZulu-Natal MEC for Community Safety and Liaison, Bheki Cele, on some of his out-of-town anti-crime road shows that brought me face to face with Safety and Security Minister, Charles Nqakula.
Speaking to stakeholders, police and community near the Mozambican border recently, where ordinary folks have become victim of the cross-border activities of gangs and thieves, the Minister preached a different gospel from his parliamentary parlance, instructing his police to adopt a “shoot to kill” attitude if they reasonably believed they were going to be shot at or attacked by a suspect. He is not mincing his words.
Government alone cannot fight crime. The people can help blackball the monster.
Marlan Padayachee is an independent freelance journalist in South Africa. This article was first published in Juluka in the United States and www.reporters.co.za in South Africa.
Get Rich Quick in South Africa
Left of What's Right: Get Rich Quick in S.A
By Marlan Padayachee
"IS OUR FREEDOM DEFINED BY WEALTH?" ASKS THABO MBEKI"There is a sense of urgency in the world's darling of democracy as previously disadvantaged people race to accumulate wealth, often at the expense of the downtroden.we call these African, Indian and Colored economic elitists the Amabenzi and Amafourbyfour people, a reference to the penchant for luxury German cars and gas-guzzling SUV's.The new-breed former liberation cadres turned business class as known as the Gucci socialists. They are a highheeled crop of dollar-million-aires who have moved into corporate boardrooms or run their own successful businesses...
First Published In: JULUKA is a magazine produced in the United States for those interested in South Africa. Every other month, our readership of approximately 20,000 South Africans and interested Americans living in the US and Canada enjoy the wit and wisdom of JULUKA. Readers represent a wide spectrum of professions, interests, and political views.
read more ...
http://www.julukanews.com/
By Marlan Padayachee
"IS OUR FREEDOM DEFINED BY WEALTH?" ASKS THABO MBEKI"There is a sense of urgency in the world's darling of democracy as previously disadvantaged people race to accumulate wealth, often at the expense of the downtroden.we call these African, Indian and Colored economic elitists the Amabenzi and Amafourbyfour people, a reference to the penchant for luxury German cars and gas-guzzling SUV's.The new-breed former liberation cadres turned business class as known as the Gucci socialists. They are a highheeled crop of dollar-million-aires who have moved into corporate boardrooms or run their own successful businesses...
First Published In: JULUKA is a magazine produced in the United States for those interested in South Africa. Every other month, our readership of approximately 20,000 South Africans and interested Americans living in the US and Canada enjoy the wit and wisdom of JULUKA. Readers represent a wide spectrum of professions, interests, and political views.
read more ...
http://www.julukanews.com/
Tribute to a fallen wordsmith Sathish T Jaggernath
Anti-apartheid activist dies in the line of duty for democracy
By Marlan Padayachee
KZN TRANSPORT DEPARTMENT OFFICIALS IN PLANE CRASH
The KwaZulu-Natal MEC for Transport, Mr S'bu Ndebele, has expressed his shock at the death of Mr Sathish Jaggernath (50), Acting Director of Communications in the KZN Transport Department, who was killed in a plane crash at about 19h00 just outside Pietermartizburg last night.
Mr Jaggernath, together with four other colleagues from the KZN Department of Transport, were on their way back from a cultural festival in Limpopo Province. The plane crashed near Wartburg just outside Pietermartizburg in rainy, misty and overcast weather conditions. The exact cause of the crash is still unknown and is being investigated by the aviation authorities and the South African Police Services.
Visiting the family at their home in Merebank today, Ndebele described Sathish "a writer, a social worker, a communicator, an intellectual, a freedom fighter and moreover, a committed community worker".
The injured are Mr Chris Hlabisa - Chief Director: Implementation, Mr Thabang Chiloane - Chief Director: Public Safety and Communication, Mr Howard Bennett: Director - Research and Ms Nomthi Xaba - Manager: Office of the HOD. The pilot of the plane was also injured.
All the injured were admitted to St Annes Hospital in Pietermartizburg where they are reported to be in a stable condition.
Mr Jaggernath is survived by his wife, his mum and two children. MEC Ndebele has also expressed his condolences to the family of Mr Jaggernath and wishes those injured a speedy recovery.
Mr Jaggernath's funeral will be held tomorrow (Sunday, 2002-12-01) at the Merebank Community Centre, Dharwar Road, Merebank, Durban commencing at 12h30 and will be later cremated at the Mobeni Crematorium. Key speakers at the funeral will include MEC Ndebele and other activists who will pay their last respects to a close confidant.
SATHISH JAGGERNATH: TRIBUTE BY MARLAN PADAYACHEE, FRIEND, WRITER AND FELLOW RESEARCHER
It is with great sadness and grief that we received the news of the tragic death of Sathish Tirubeni Jaggernath, son of the soil, a true South African, a non-racialist and internationalist, who earned widespread respect and admiration for his work in journalism, the political resistance movement and in the social welfare and the teacher union sectors.
In short, Sathish Jaggernath was a brilliant wordsmith and a concerned South African, who inspired people in his company. He was multi-skilled as a writer, activist, speaker, lecturer, negotiator, conflict-resolution exponent, a friend and confidante, and most importantly a caring and compassionate son, brother, husband and father.
He was an advocate for non-racialism, social justice and democracy, having been inspired by some of the world's greatest human rights champions, such as Mahatma Gandhi, Oliver Tambo, Monty Naicker, Yusuf Dadoo and Nelson Mandela.
In his life, his quiet diplomacy, lovely sense of humour and deep grasp of compassion and concern for South Africa, particularly the role of country's Indian community in the emerging, non-racial democracy.
Having great respect for the independence and power of the media, Sathish Jaggernath contributed immensely to good and analytical journalism through his weekly column in the Post newspaper, Flip Side.
He wrote with passion and jealously guarded his independence though he was not a permanent member of the press corp and he conducted himself with integrity and honesty.
In his public life, Sathish Jaggernath was a born activist, champion of the underdogs and a firm freedom fighter who did not let up during his long stint in the front-line of the struggle for peace and democracy in South Africa.
He was steadfast in his criticism of reactionaries in the apartheid political era and often offered cogent arguments in political and social debates.
Internationally, Sathish was so appalled by the discrimination meted out to the Tamil people in Sri Lanka by the ruling Sinhalese elite, that he wrote critically about this internecine civil war which many journalists steered clear off.
Overall, in his own brand of wisdom and intellectualism, Sathish Jaggernath, a visionary, contributed powerfully to the social-welfare and the teacher-union movements, with resistance politics being his forte. He was regarded as a sounding board to many of the young political activists in Merebank and Chatsworth and only last year he stood up at the reunion function of the Merebank High School, alma mater of many anti-apartheid political activists, and offered to launch the Krish Rabilal Memorial Fund for previously disadvantaged in memory of the Merebank-based ANC cadre who was killed during a South African Defence Raid on an ANC camp in Matola, Mozambique in the 1980s.
Sathish Jaggernath learnt his writing skills in a community newspaper, The Sentinel, in Merebank, and went on to produce the Tasa Newsletter, during his term as secretary-general of the Teacher Association of South Africa (Tasa) and was among the prime movers together with Pat Samuels and Poobie Naicker. Before that he developed his activism at the South African Swimming Federation where he worked alongside Morgan Naidoo and Vasie Nair, and played a strong advocacy role in the forums of the South African Council on Sport, before resurrecting the Natal Indian Congress branch in Merebank, linking up with the United Democratic Front, and while maintaining his independence and integrity, he was a loyal cadre of the African National Congress.
He proved outstanding leadership at the Durban Child and Family Society, under SA ambassador to Italy, Dr Khorshed Ginwala, and the Natal Blind and Deaf Society.
At the birth of the new democracy, he was keen to continue his role-playing function and joined Northern Province Premier Popo Molefe's communications team alongside another media activist Neil Lewis; and had brief stint at the Outer West Inner-City Council at Kloof, before joined Transport Minister Sbu Ndebele's communications team as an acting director.
Sathish Jaggernath has also been a highly respected member of the government's Film and Review Board where he worked alongside eminent constitutional lawyer Professor Karthy Govender, and the Indian epic film, Mother India, was his all-time favourite, and he loved Indian music and cuisine.
His passion was to rewrite the history of South Africa, particularly the enormous contribution made by the Indian and African communities to the liberation struggle, and was had recently completed a new research on the 1946 Passive Resistance Movement with political writer Marlan Padayachee.
His dream was to turn his newspaper columns into a book with a truly African theme and title.
In essence, Sathish Jaggernath has been an institution in our society, a true South African who was unashamed of his Indian heritage, legacy, culture and rituals.
The once hotbed of politics in Merebank, and well as Durban and South Africa has been left poorer without his intellectual spark, brilliant writing skills, larger-than-life and warm and friendly personality.
Hamba Kahle, Comrade STmarlan@nn.independent.co.za 083 796 1762
Contact: Mlungisi Ndhlela on 082 5666 781
Issued by KwaZulu-Natal Department of Transport
30 November 2002
By Marlan Padayachee
KZN TRANSPORT DEPARTMENT OFFICIALS IN PLANE CRASH
The KwaZulu-Natal MEC for Transport, Mr S'bu Ndebele, has expressed his shock at the death of Mr Sathish Jaggernath (50), Acting Director of Communications in the KZN Transport Department, who was killed in a plane crash at about 19h00 just outside Pietermartizburg last night.
Mr Jaggernath, together with four other colleagues from the KZN Department of Transport, were on their way back from a cultural festival in Limpopo Province. The plane crashed near Wartburg just outside Pietermartizburg in rainy, misty and overcast weather conditions. The exact cause of the crash is still unknown and is being investigated by the aviation authorities and the South African Police Services.
Visiting the family at their home in Merebank today, Ndebele described Sathish "a writer, a social worker, a communicator, an intellectual, a freedom fighter and moreover, a committed community worker".
The injured are Mr Chris Hlabisa - Chief Director: Implementation, Mr Thabang Chiloane - Chief Director: Public Safety and Communication, Mr Howard Bennett: Director - Research and Ms Nomthi Xaba - Manager: Office of the HOD. The pilot of the plane was also injured.
All the injured were admitted to St Annes Hospital in Pietermartizburg where they are reported to be in a stable condition.
Mr Jaggernath is survived by his wife, his mum and two children. MEC Ndebele has also expressed his condolences to the family of Mr Jaggernath and wishes those injured a speedy recovery.
Mr Jaggernath's funeral will be held tomorrow (Sunday, 2002-12-01) at the Merebank Community Centre, Dharwar Road, Merebank, Durban commencing at 12h30 and will be later cremated at the Mobeni Crematorium. Key speakers at the funeral will include MEC Ndebele and other activists who will pay their last respects to a close confidant.
SATHISH JAGGERNATH: TRIBUTE BY MARLAN PADAYACHEE, FRIEND, WRITER AND FELLOW RESEARCHER
It is with great sadness and grief that we received the news of the tragic death of Sathish Tirubeni Jaggernath, son of the soil, a true South African, a non-racialist and internationalist, who earned widespread respect and admiration for his work in journalism, the political resistance movement and in the social welfare and the teacher union sectors.
In short, Sathish Jaggernath was a brilliant wordsmith and a concerned South African, who inspired people in his company. He was multi-skilled as a writer, activist, speaker, lecturer, negotiator, conflict-resolution exponent, a friend and confidante, and most importantly a caring and compassionate son, brother, husband and father.
He was an advocate for non-racialism, social justice and democracy, having been inspired by some of the world's greatest human rights champions, such as Mahatma Gandhi, Oliver Tambo, Monty Naicker, Yusuf Dadoo and Nelson Mandela.
In his life, his quiet diplomacy, lovely sense of humour and deep grasp of compassion and concern for South Africa, particularly the role of country's Indian community in the emerging, non-racial democracy.
Having great respect for the independence and power of the media, Sathish Jaggernath contributed immensely to good and analytical journalism through his weekly column in the Post newspaper, Flip Side.
He wrote with passion and jealously guarded his independence though he was not a permanent member of the press corp and he conducted himself with integrity and honesty.
In his public life, Sathish Jaggernath was a born activist, champion of the underdogs and a firm freedom fighter who did not let up during his long stint in the front-line of the struggle for peace and democracy in South Africa.
He was steadfast in his criticism of reactionaries in the apartheid political era and often offered cogent arguments in political and social debates.
Internationally, Sathish was so appalled by the discrimination meted out to the Tamil people in Sri Lanka by the ruling Sinhalese elite, that he wrote critically about this internecine civil war which many journalists steered clear off.
Overall, in his own brand of wisdom and intellectualism, Sathish Jaggernath, a visionary, contributed powerfully to the social-welfare and the teacher-union movements, with resistance politics being his forte. He was regarded as a sounding board to many of the young political activists in Merebank and Chatsworth and only last year he stood up at the reunion function of the Merebank High School, alma mater of many anti-apartheid political activists, and offered to launch the Krish Rabilal Memorial Fund for previously disadvantaged in memory of the Merebank-based ANC cadre who was killed during a South African Defence Raid on an ANC camp in Matola, Mozambique in the 1980s.
Sathish Jaggernath learnt his writing skills in a community newspaper, The Sentinel, in Merebank, and went on to produce the Tasa Newsletter, during his term as secretary-general of the Teacher Association of South Africa (Tasa) and was among the prime movers together with Pat Samuels and Poobie Naicker. Before that he developed his activism at the South African Swimming Federation where he worked alongside Morgan Naidoo and Vasie Nair, and played a strong advocacy role in the forums of the South African Council on Sport, before resurrecting the Natal Indian Congress branch in Merebank, linking up with the United Democratic Front, and while maintaining his independence and integrity, he was a loyal cadre of the African National Congress.
He proved outstanding leadership at the Durban Child and Family Society, under SA ambassador to Italy, Dr Khorshed Ginwala, and the Natal Blind and Deaf Society.
At the birth of the new democracy, he was keen to continue his role-playing function and joined Northern Province Premier Popo Molefe's communications team alongside another media activist Neil Lewis; and had brief stint at the Outer West Inner-City Council at Kloof, before joined Transport Minister Sbu Ndebele's communications team as an acting director.
Sathish Jaggernath has also been a highly respected member of the government's Film and Review Board where he worked alongside eminent constitutional lawyer Professor Karthy Govender, and the Indian epic film, Mother India, was his all-time favourite, and he loved Indian music and cuisine.
His passion was to rewrite the history of South Africa, particularly the enormous contribution made by the Indian and African communities to the liberation struggle, and was had recently completed a new research on the 1946 Passive Resistance Movement with political writer Marlan Padayachee.
His dream was to turn his newspaper columns into a book with a truly African theme and title.
In essence, Sathish Jaggernath has been an institution in our society, a true South African who was unashamed of his Indian heritage, legacy, culture and rituals.
The once hotbed of politics in Merebank, and well as Durban and South Africa has been left poorer without his intellectual spark, brilliant writing skills, larger-than-life and warm and friendly personality.
Hamba Kahle, Comrade STmarlan@nn.independent.co.za 083 796 1762
Contact: Mlungisi Ndhlela on 082 5666 781
Issued by KwaZulu-Natal Department of Transport
30 November 2002
Pushing the Brown Envelope
Crooked Nations, Crroked Journalists
By Marlan Padayachee and Phindile Ngubane
RjR - Issue 17Guest Editorial: Charlene Smith on the foreign bratpack corpsLesotho: Adil Bradlow reports from a war zone; MISA reports on the effects of the invasion of the mediaThe HRC investigation: How do we avoid racism in a time of ubiquitous racism? By Gavin StewartBuilding the power of black SA journalists: Lizeka Mda interviewed by Ferial HaffajeeTwo unequal Americas and what black journalists did about it, by Dorothy Butler GilliamVote and make your fist time perfect. An election campaign for the youth by the youthScratch and Win: Margaret Waller critiques M-Net's use of Kevin Carter's picSection 205: Time to cry halt by Ryland Fisher; two law experts unpack the Bogoshi judgement; Sanef's record of understanding with the governmentThe way we were in the 20th century, by Lynette SteenveldWho qualifies to be an African? By Anthea GarmanThe election's just around the corner. Are you poll prepared? Take the test with Guy BergerThe great re-design of Business Day by Kerry SwiftThe next agenda for the media on the TRC by Hugh LewinAnd what about the spies? By Roger FriedmanWhere there's smoke there's advertising revenue by Manette Marais100 years of Namibian media by Gwen ListerYFM's Randall Abrahams interviewed by Larry StrelitzFast and furious, the new financial agencies by Brendan BoyleThe naked truth about transformation by Sandile MemeleThe Legal Journalist of the Year Award - advance noticeWhat's happening in community media by Clive EmdonThe Sunday Times goes gay-bashing by Brett LockInvestigative journalism: crossing international barriers by Michel Bajuk; all the brave winners; locals who do the job talk about it by Patrick Burnett; and Danny Schechter asks if reporters who dig are dying outCrooked nations, crooked journalists by Phindile Ngubane and Marlan Padayachee
By Marlan Padayachee and Phindile Ngubane
RjR - Issue 17Guest Editorial: Charlene Smith on the foreign bratpack corpsLesotho: Adil Bradlow reports from a war zone; MISA reports on the effects of the invasion of the mediaThe HRC investigation: How do we avoid racism in a time of ubiquitous racism? By Gavin StewartBuilding the power of black SA journalists: Lizeka Mda interviewed by Ferial HaffajeeTwo unequal Americas and what black journalists did about it, by Dorothy Butler GilliamVote and make your fist time perfect. An election campaign for the youth by the youthScratch and Win: Margaret Waller critiques M-Net's use of Kevin Carter's picSection 205: Time to cry halt by Ryland Fisher; two law experts unpack the Bogoshi judgement; Sanef's record of understanding with the governmentThe way we were in the 20th century, by Lynette SteenveldWho qualifies to be an African? By Anthea GarmanThe election's just around the corner. Are you poll prepared? Take the test with Guy BergerThe great re-design of Business Day by Kerry SwiftThe next agenda for the media on the TRC by Hugh LewinAnd what about the spies? By Roger FriedmanWhere there's smoke there's advertising revenue by Manette Marais100 years of Namibian media by Gwen ListerYFM's Randall Abrahams interviewed by Larry StrelitzFast and furious, the new financial agencies by Brendan BoyleThe naked truth about transformation by Sandile MemeleThe Legal Journalist of the Year Award - advance noticeWhat's happening in community media by Clive EmdonThe Sunday Times goes gay-bashing by Brett LockInvestigative journalism: crossing international barriers by Michel Bajuk; all the brave winners; locals who do the job talk about it by Patrick Burnett; and Danny Schechter asks if reporters who dig are dying outCrooked nations, crooked journalists by Phindile Ngubane and Marlan Padayachee
Movers and Shaikers in the New South Africa
Post Apartheid Economy
The Movers and Shaikers
By Marlan Padayachee and Farhana Ismail
Mention the word Shaik to the average South African and an image of shadowy political operators insinuating themselves into the very fabric of South Africa's political elite emerges.
How did the Shaik brothers from middle-class Reservoir Hills, Durban, end up with massive influence in South African politics? They are well connected, are on every elite guest list and are close friends of deputy president Jacob Zuma. The family name has been splashed on newspaper front pages over the R66 billion arms deal and other political scandals.
They take centre stage in politics despite bad press which implies two of the brothers, Schabir and Shamin, known as Chippy, have hijacked the democratic process for their own ends. Of the brothers, it is Schabir who is at the heart of the scandals which are tearing the family apart.
In spite of these accusations, even the Scorpions don't have enough to nail the brothers on the arms deal.
It was claimed in a report two weeks ago that Schabir gave money to former transport minister Mac Maharaj. Zuma was also alleged to have received money from Schabir.
Questions are now being raised about this information which is in the possession of the Scorpions since they seized documentation from Schabir's office two years ago.
Second eldest brother Yunus, a lawyer and part time commissioner in the Commission for Conciliation and Mediation in Johannesburg, said: "Schabir was never questioned about this. Why is all this information being exposed now?"
He believes the claims about Schabir, chief director of Nkobi Holdings and director of African Defense Systems, one of the companies which benefited from the arms package as a sub-contractor, constitute a "firm intention to embarrass our family and never to prosecute".
The Scorpions are investigating a single charge against Schabir - contravention of the Protection of Information Act, relating to documents about the arms deal - a year after he obtained the tender.
Reeves Parsee, acting for Schabir, said: "My client faces a single charge with a maximum fine of R10 000. We challenge the constitutionality of the search warrant the Scorpions used to enter his premises. If the information links Schabir to corruption, why has he not been charged?"
Chippy, who was on the arms deal negotiating team, made no secret of the fact that his brother was involved in the arms industry. Third brother Mo, now special adviser to foreign affairs minister Nkosazana Zuma, was previously SA ambassador to Algeria. The youngest brother, Faizel, a businessman, and their sister, Rehana, are not involved in politics.
Said an ANC activist: "During the struggle days when things were hard and we had no money or nowhere to hide, you would turn to the Shaiks."
Mo, Chippy and Yunus were political activists. And it was their activism and networking in the ANC intelligence community that brought them closer to the political elite.
Schabir was streetwise, smart and a businessman who made sure the struggle gave him rewards.
"When exiles, such as Zuma, started returning, it was Schabir who integrated them," said the ageing activist.
"The Shaik brothers made their presence felt by helping ANC returnees, setting up companies for them. The rock was set and payback came after 1994."
It was their father Lambie Rasool Shaik (popularly known as Rasool), an upholsterer and shopsteward with the then Leather Worker's Union, who introduced the brothers to politics.
They formed the Mandla Judson Khuzwayo unit - and began building ANC support. Mo was the mastermind in the province's intelligence network. Frequently the brothers spent time in detention.
Maharaj and Ronnie Kasrils, minister of water affairs and forestry, were among those smuggled into the country by the Shaiks.
Now relatives are convinced the Shaiks are being used as pawns in a bigger game of political cat and mouse.
Mo claims "right-wing elements" are using state resources to embarrass the government and his family.
"They touched my family and that is OK. But now they have touched the deputy president that is not OK. Do you not think that if there was evidence after such a long investigation, they would have proceeded with the trial?
"Just as we did in the case of political detainees, we call on the Scorpions to prosecute or exonerate."
Yunus adds: "This time we are being embarrassed and money is tainting our name.
"Everything is being linked to the arms deal. Yes, there were payments Schabir made. He managed the finances of Zuma and other comrades. There is a fair explanation for everything. We are willing to co-operate for good governance. But we are being burnt at the stake.
"You will notice that every time a scandal breaks it happens just prior to an ANC congress," said Yunus.
Sipho Ngwema, the public face of the Scorpions and spokesman for the National Director of Public Prosecutions, said: "The probe continues."
With acknowledgements to Farhana Ismail, Marlan Padayachee and Sunday Argus.
The Movers and Shaikers
By Marlan Padayachee and Farhana Ismail
Mention the word Shaik to the average South African and an image of shadowy political operators insinuating themselves into the very fabric of South Africa's political elite emerges.
How did the Shaik brothers from middle-class Reservoir Hills, Durban, end up with massive influence in South African politics? They are well connected, are on every elite guest list and are close friends of deputy president Jacob Zuma. The family name has been splashed on newspaper front pages over the R66 billion arms deal and other political scandals.
They take centre stage in politics despite bad press which implies two of the brothers, Schabir and Shamin, known as Chippy, have hijacked the democratic process for their own ends. Of the brothers, it is Schabir who is at the heart of the scandals which are tearing the family apart.
In spite of these accusations, even the Scorpions don't have enough to nail the brothers on the arms deal.
It was claimed in a report two weeks ago that Schabir gave money to former transport minister Mac Maharaj. Zuma was also alleged to have received money from Schabir.
Questions are now being raised about this information which is in the possession of the Scorpions since they seized documentation from Schabir's office two years ago.
Second eldest brother Yunus, a lawyer and part time commissioner in the Commission for Conciliation and Mediation in Johannesburg, said: "Schabir was never questioned about this. Why is all this information being exposed now?"
He believes the claims about Schabir, chief director of Nkobi Holdings and director of African Defense Systems, one of the companies which benefited from the arms package as a sub-contractor, constitute a "firm intention to embarrass our family and never to prosecute".
The Scorpions are investigating a single charge against Schabir - contravention of the Protection of Information Act, relating to documents about the arms deal - a year after he obtained the tender.
Reeves Parsee, acting for Schabir, said: "My client faces a single charge with a maximum fine of R10 000. We challenge the constitutionality of the search warrant the Scorpions used to enter his premises. If the information links Schabir to corruption, why has he not been charged?"
Chippy, who was on the arms deal negotiating team, made no secret of the fact that his brother was involved in the arms industry. Third brother Mo, now special adviser to foreign affairs minister Nkosazana Zuma, was previously SA ambassador to Algeria. The youngest brother, Faizel, a businessman, and their sister, Rehana, are not involved in politics.
Said an ANC activist: "During the struggle days when things were hard and we had no money or nowhere to hide, you would turn to the Shaiks."
Mo, Chippy and Yunus were political activists. And it was their activism and networking in the ANC intelligence community that brought them closer to the political elite.
Schabir was streetwise, smart and a businessman who made sure the struggle gave him rewards.
"When exiles, such as Zuma, started returning, it was Schabir who integrated them," said the ageing activist.
"The Shaik brothers made their presence felt by helping ANC returnees, setting up companies for them. The rock was set and payback came after 1994."
It was their father Lambie Rasool Shaik (popularly known as Rasool), an upholsterer and shopsteward with the then Leather Worker's Union, who introduced the brothers to politics.
They formed the Mandla Judson Khuzwayo unit - and began building ANC support. Mo was the mastermind in the province's intelligence network. Frequently the brothers spent time in detention.
Maharaj and Ronnie Kasrils, minister of water affairs and forestry, were among those smuggled into the country by the Shaiks.
Now relatives are convinced the Shaiks are being used as pawns in a bigger game of political cat and mouse.
Mo claims "right-wing elements" are using state resources to embarrass the government and his family.
"They touched my family and that is OK. But now they have touched the deputy president that is not OK. Do you not think that if there was evidence after such a long investigation, they would have proceeded with the trial?
"Just as we did in the case of political detainees, we call on the Scorpions to prosecute or exonerate."
Yunus adds: "This time we are being embarrassed and money is tainting our name.
"Everything is being linked to the arms deal. Yes, there were payments Schabir made. He managed the finances of Zuma and other comrades. There is a fair explanation for everything. We are willing to co-operate for good governance. But we are being burnt at the stake.
"You will notice that every time a scandal breaks it happens just prior to an ANC congress," said Yunus.
Sipho Ngwema, the public face of the Scorpions and spokesman for the National Director of Public Prosecutions, said: "The probe continues."
With acknowledgements to Farhana Ismail, Marlan Padayachee and Sunday Argus.
Uhuru since the 1980s
Democratizing Southern African Media:The Power Of Research
By Marlan Padayachee
In the wake of the South African Human Rights Commission's scathing spotlight report on "racism in the media," media academics, experts and practitioners from southern Africa and other parts of the world gathered in Durban between April 24 and 29. The conference attendees came together to tackle new issues, such as the globalization and ownership of the print and electronic media, particularly as they relate to black empowerment. Titled "The Political Economy of the Media in Southern Africa," the seminar was hosted by the Graduate Programme in Cultural and Media Studies, University of Natal, South Africa.
This was the first time that South Africa has hosted an international seminar on press freedom and the state of the media in Southern African Development Community (SADC) nations. Delegates came from South Africa, Swaziland, Lesotho, Zimbabwe, Botswana, Israel, Namibia, Zambia, Malawi, Jamaica, Norway, the U.K., the U.S., Nigeria and Cameroon. Sponsors included the World Association for Christian Communication (London), the South African National Research Foundation and Independent Newspapers KwaZulu Natal. The Media Institute of Southern Africa was one of the endorsing organizations.
According to conference chairman Professor Keyan Tomaselli of the University of Natal, "The time is now ripe for a critical and regionally integrated discussion on issues relating to the political economy of the Southern African media and on methods of analysis, theory and transnationalism. The 1990s have seen significant shifts in the political economy of the Southern African media in newspapers, broadcasting, cinema and telecommunications. These dynamics need to be examined in terms of public interest, not just in terms of market interests."
Independent Newspapers KwaZulu-Natal managing director Graeme King said, "Independent Newspapers believes this seminar will contribute enormously to the debate on the freedom of expression within the South African Development Community context. In the future, we hope to be able to expand our involvement from this seminar to a more regular interaction which will include our journalists spending time at the academic institution and students and graduates benefiting from practical experience in our newsrooms."
The seminar focused on several critical issues for the media in the SADC region:
Globalization of ownership and control, with foreign interests purchasing shares in the local media and local media gaining international interests. South African companies are becoming major media investors in Africa, Asia and Europe.
Black empowerment of the media, especially in South Africa, where union-owned investment companies are buying shares in a variety of major media industries. This has been occurring since 1996.
The question of state-controlled media coming into conflict with privately run media, which have become more critical of government and which are highlighting freedom of speech issues.
The privatization process, through which governments have sold blocs of shares in media companies to local and international commercial investors.
South African Broadcasting Corporation board member and Natal University media academic, Dr Ruth Teer-Tomaselli explained the history of the conference: "The seminar aims to build on an earlier meeting which brought together media studies scholars from South Africa, Zimbabwe, the U.K. and Norway. This earlier meeting in Durban in 1996 established a research network informally linking the Universities of Natal, Zimbabwe, Westminster and Oslo. We aim to establish active working links between SADC, especially Southern African universities and academics, media firms and development NGOs to facilitate capacity building with regard to southern African media research, for the first time encouraging transnational analysis within SADC, African and global contexts."
The topic of press freedom sparked many debates, as some countries are progressive beacons in comparison to the regressive processes and curbing of the media in other countries in the SADC belt.
These issues were brought into stark relief by the current situation in Zimbabwe where often violent invasions of white-owned farms by landless black youngsters claiming to be war "vets" have led to the death of two white farmers and the systematic assault of their black laborers. The killing of opposition party members by gangs claiming allegiance to the ruling government has taken another 12 lives in recent weeks. At the seminar, the microscope focused sharply on the way the media is handling the current crisis. The international delegates discussed the media's coverage of and role in the situation in Zimbabwe within the context of how regulation, deregulation, privatization and globalization are impacting democratic processes across the region.
Three of the 26 visiting media experts concentrated on the state of the media in Zimbabwe, South Africa's leading trading partner. "This is a testing time for the media in Harare and the newly launched Zimbabwe Media Monitoring project, which for the first time in the 20 year history of this country is providing a baseline against which the Zimbabwean public is able to gauge the accuracy of reports on the current issues unfolding in that country," said Professor Tomaselli.
Delegates had a first-hand account of concerns in that country by Susan Manhando Makore of the Zimbabwe Open University in her address entitled: "Free for All: Myth or Reality." Zimbabwe's efforts to nationalize the media came to the fore in retired academic Tim Nyahunzvi's talk on the "Zimbabwean Mass Media Trust — An Experiment that Failed." James Zaffiro, of Central College, Iowa, while focusing on the state of State Broadcasting in Botswana, also examined how to learn some lessons from Zimbabwe in his tabled paper, "Mass Media and Democratization of Politics and Society". This was followed by Helge Ronning of the University of Oslo, examining the alternative press in Zimbabwe. It was Ronning who emphasized that the international media had wrongly reported the current violence in Zimbabwe as a racial conflict, when in fact the conflict is between a "corrupt government and an emerging opposition."
A different perspective on the serious problems in Zimbabwe came from Paddy Scannell of the University of Westminister, London, from his investigation into the music, radio and recording business in Zimbabwe today. His case studies were pessimistic and revealed failure on the part of the country's press and alternative media.
The highlight of the seminar was a public keynote address by Jane Duncan, research director of the Johannesburg-based Freedom of Expression Institute (FXI). Her lecture, entitled "Talk Left, Act Right: What Constitutes 'Transformation' in Southern African Media", was attended by 300 people and very widely reported in the Durban press. The meeting was also carried on the SA Broadcasting Corporation's Channel Africa.
Conference chairman Tomaselli said he believed the seminar would assist the "media industry and institutions in mapping a new road forward for the media in SADC countries. Duncan's electrifying lecture was uncompromising in its critique of post-apartheid developments and took the critical debate about the relationship between transformation and ownership on the one hand, and democratization of the South African media on the other, to new heights of analysis. This lecture will set the research and public agenda for years to come."
Tomaselli was elected by the Seminar's 26 delegates to head up a Working Group on Cultural, Media and Communication Studies. The international research team includes MediaChannel advisors Helge Ronning, Fackson Banda, Guy Berger, and Tomaselli himself, along with other leading international scholars such as Paddy Scannell and Francis Nyamnjo. One of the group's aims is to strengthen research networks and to improve the capacity of lesser-funded universities across the SADC region.
After the formation of the Working Group Dr. Ruth Teer-Tomaselli concluded, "All over the country, institutions, media companies and parastatals [fully or partially government-owned companies] are struggling with 'Visions,' 'Missions' and other declarations of intent. Transformation, however, is more than changing the discourse and demographics of an organization: it is about changing the ethos of the way we go about our business. This Working Group will have a direct impact on media issues in Southern Africa."
Speaking from London, Pradip Thomas, Director of Studies and Publications at the World Association for Christian Association, reflected on the weekend's events, commenting that media ownership that was once bounded by the geographical limitations of the nation-state has since become transnational. "Media barons and corporations now control huge swathes of the media market, across sectors and regions." He went on to say that "The global mapping of media ownership and control is a central objective of the World Association of Christian Communication's programmatic thrust."
As international sponsors of the Durban media seminar, WACC had previously promoted five media-ownership workshops in Cameroon, Bangkok, Kathmandu, Slovenia and Fiji. "These workshops have generated much data, conceptual and factual, and we are fairly certain that the workshop in Durban will make a huge contribution to this global mapping," added Thomas.
He said the massive transformations in the media sector, brought about by technological convergence, economic liberalization and globalized manufacturing processes, had resulted in major changes to media ownership patterns throughout the world. "These developments have, more often than not, caught national media monopolies, both state and private sector, off guard. It is only of late that these sectors have begun to assess the full impact of this new media world in the making and to make appropriate national policies in the light of changed communications environments and to position themselves and take advantage of new market opportunities. However this revisioning is still an incomplete process in many parts of the world."
The seminar ended with the Working Group in place, and commitments from all present to establish a managerial and research infrastructure. Researchers with an interest in Southern African long-term projects to be developed over the next six months are invited to communicate with Keyan Tomaselli.
- Marlan Padayachee is a political reporter and correspondent for the Post Newspaper and the Independent Newspapers, South Africa. He is active in the Media Workers Association for South Africa and has studied at the City University of London. He serves on the advisory board of the ML Sultan Technikon's Journalism Department, and was seconded by Independent Newspapers to the University of Natal for the month of April to work on the seminar.
By Marlan Padayachee
In the wake of the South African Human Rights Commission's scathing spotlight report on "racism in the media," media academics, experts and practitioners from southern Africa and other parts of the world gathered in Durban between April 24 and 29. The conference attendees came together to tackle new issues, such as the globalization and ownership of the print and electronic media, particularly as they relate to black empowerment. Titled "The Political Economy of the Media in Southern Africa," the seminar was hosted by the Graduate Programme in Cultural and Media Studies, University of Natal, South Africa.
This was the first time that South Africa has hosted an international seminar on press freedom and the state of the media in Southern African Development Community (SADC) nations. Delegates came from South Africa, Swaziland, Lesotho, Zimbabwe, Botswana, Israel, Namibia, Zambia, Malawi, Jamaica, Norway, the U.K., the U.S., Nigeria and Cameroon. Sponsors included the World Association for Christian Communication (London), the South African National Research Foundation and Independent Newspapers KwaZulu Natal. The Media Institute of Southern Africa was one of the endorsing organizations.
According to conference chairman Professor Keyan Tomaselli of the University of Natal, "The time is now ripe for a critical and regionally integrated discussion on issues relating to the political economy of the Southern African media and on methods of analysis, theory and transnationalism. The 1990s have seen significant shifts in the political economy of the Southern African media in newspapers, broadcasting, cinema and telecommunications. These dynamics need to be examined in terms of public interest, not just in terms of market interests."
Independent Newspapers KwaZulu-Natal managing director Graeme King said, "Independent Newspapers believes this seminar will contribute enormously to the debate on the freedom of expression within the South African Development Community context. In the future, we hope to be able to expand our involvement from this seminar to a more regular interaction which will include our journalists spending time at the academic institution and students and graduates benefiting from practical experience in our newsrooms."
The seminar focused on several critical issues for the media in the SADC region:
Globalization of ownership and control, with foreign interests purchasing shares in the local media and local media gaining international interests. South African companies are becoming major media investors in Africa, Asia and Europe.
Black empowerment of the media, especially in South Africa, where union-owned investment companies are buying shares in a variety of major media industries. This has been occurring since 1996.
The question of state-controlled media coming into conflict with privately run media, which have become more critical of government and which are highlighting freedom of speech issues.
The privatization process, through which governments have sold blocs of shares in media companies to local and international commercial investors.
South African Broadcasting Corporation board member and Natal University media academic, Dr Ruth Teer-Tomaselli explained the history of the conference: "The seminar aims to build on an earlier meeting which brought together media studies scholars from South Africa, Zimbabwe, the U.K. and Norway. This earlier meeting in Durban in 1996 established a research network informally linking the Universities of Natal, Zimbabwe, Westminster and Oslo. We aim to establish active working links between SADC, especially Southern African universities and academics, media firms and development NGOs to facilitate capacity building with regard to southern African media research, for the first time encouraging transnational analysis within SADC, African and global contexts."
The topic of press freedom sparked many debates, as some countries are progressive beacons in comparison to the regressive processes and curbing of the media in other countries in the SADC belt.
These issues were brought into stark relief by the current situation in Zimbabwe where often violent invasions of white-owned farms by landless black youngsters claiming to be war "vets" have led to the death of two white farmers and the systematic assault of their black laborers. The killing of opposition party members by gangs claiming allegiance to the ruling government has taken another 12 lives in recent weeks. At the seminar, the microscope focused sharply on the way the media is handling the current crisis. The international delegates discussed the media's coverage of and role in the situation in Zimbabwe within the context of how regulation, deregulation, privatization and globalization are impacting democratic processes across the region.
Three of the 26 visiting media experts concentrated on the state of the media in Zimbabwe, South Africa's leading trading partner. "This is a testing time for the media in Harare and the newly launched Zimbabwe Media Monitoring project, which for the first time in the 20 year history of this country is providing a baseline against which the Zimbabwean public is able to gauge the accuracy of reports on the current issues unfolding in that country," said Professor Tomaselli.
Delegates had a first-hand account of concerns in that country by Susan Manhando Makore of the Zimbabwe Open University in her address entitled: "Free for All: Myth or Reality." Zimbabwe's efforts to nationalize the media came to the fore in retired academic Tim Nyahunzvi's talk on the "Zimbabwean Mass Media Trust — An Experiment that Failed." James Zaffiro, of Central College, Iowa, while focusing on the state of State Broadcasting in Botswana, also examined how to learn some lessons from Zimbabwe in his tabled paper, "Mass Media and Democratization of Politics and Society". This was followed by Helge Ronning of the University of Oslo, examining the alternative press in Zimbabwe. It was Ronning who emphasized that the international media had wrongly reported the current violence in Zimbabwe as a racial conflict, when in fact the conflict is between a "corrupt government and an emerging opposition."
A different perspective on the serious problems in Zimbabwe came from Paddy Scannell of the University of Westminister, London, from his investigation into the music, radio and recording business in Zimbabwe today. His case studies were pessimistic and revealed failure on the part of the country's press and alternative media.
The highlight of the seminar was a public keynote address by Jane Duncan, research director of the Johannesburg-based Freedom of Expression Institute (FXI). Her lecture, entitled "Talk Left, Act Right: What Constitutes 'Transformation' in Southern African Media", was attended by 300 people and very widely reported in the Durban press. The meeting was also carried on the SA Broadcasting Corporation's Channel Africa.
Conference chairman Tomaselli said he believed the seminar would assist the "media industry and institutions in mapping a new road forward for the media in SADC countries. Duncan's electrifying lecture was uncompromising in its critique of post-apartheid developments and took the critical debate about the relationship between transformation and ownership on the one hand, and democratization of the South African media on the other, to new heights of analysis. This lecture will set the research and public agenda for years to come."
Tomaselli was elected by the Seminar's 26 delegates to head up a Working Group on Cultural, Media and Communication Studies. The international research team includes MediaChannel advisors Helge Ronning, Fackson Banda, Guy Berger, and Tomaselli himself, along with other leading international scholars such as Paddy Scannell and Francis Nyamnjo. One of the group's aims is to strengthen research networks and to improve the capacity of lesser-funded universities across the SADC region.
After the formation of the Working Group Dr. Ruth Teer-Tomaselli concluded, "All over the country, institutions, media companies and parastatals [fully or partially government-owned companies] are struggling with 'Visions,' 'Missions' and other declarations of intent. Transformation, however, is more than changing the discourse and demographics of an organization: it is about changing the ethos of the way we go about our business. This Working Group will have a direct impact on media issues in Southern Africa."
Speaking from London, Pradip Thomas, Director of Studies and Publications at the World Association for Christian Association, reflected on the weekend's events, commenting that media ownership that was once bounded by the geographical limitations of the nation-state has since become transnational. "Media barons and corporations now control huge swathes of the media market, across sectors and regions." He went on to say that "The global mapping of media ownership and control is a central objective of the World Association of Christian Communication's programmatic thrust."
As international sponsors of the Durban media seminar, WACC had previously promoted five media-ownership workshops in Cameroon, Bangkok, Kathmandu, Slovenia and Fiji. "These workshops have generated much data, conceptual and factual, and we are fairly certain that the workshop in Durban will make a huge contribution to this global mapping," added Thomas.
He said the massive transformations in the media sector, brought about by technological convergence, economic liberalization and globalized manufacturing processes, had resulted in major changes to media ownership patterns throughout the world. "These developments have, more often than not, caught national media monopolies, both state and private sector, off guard. It is only of late that these sectors have begun to assess the full impact of this new media world in the making and to make appropriate national policies in the light of changed communications environments and to position themselves and take advantage of new market opportunities. However this revisioning is still an incomplete process in many parts of the world."
The seminar ended with the Working Group in place, and commitments from all present to establish a managerial and research infrastructure. Researchers with an interest in Southern African long-term projects to be developed over the next six months are invited to communicate with Keyan Tomaselli.
- Marlan Padayachee is a political reporter and correspondent for the Post Newspaper and the Independent Newspapers, South Africa. He is active in the Media Workers Association for South Africa and has studied at the City University of London. He serves on the advisory board of the ML Sultan Technikon's Journalism Department, and was seconded by Independent Newspapers to the University of Natal for the month of April to work on the seminar.
South Africans are upbeat
Be Happy, Don’t Worry
People are Proudly South African in the Old Home Town
By Marlan Padayachee
WORRIED about the old country or home town? Don’t worry, be happy because 95% of South Africans are upbeat about how democracy is reshaping their lifestyle and the landscape.
A recent survey conducted reveals that the overwhelming majority of citizens are proud to be South African. The nation prefers democracy as a governing system, saying it will ultimately develop a positive future for the world’s youngest democracy.
Thirteen years later after founding president Nelson Rolihlahla
Mandela cast the first all-race vote on April 27, 1994, heralding the birth of the new South Africa with its rainbow flag, South Africans, according to the latest sample of 3 000 randomly selected interviewees, 19 out of every 20 said they “very” or “quite proud” of their country.
This show of optimism in a country battling the post-apartheid pangs of crime, domestic violence, poverty, unemployment, illegal immigrants, HIV-AIDS, racism, nepotism, cronyism and the high cost of building materials and telecommunications ahead of the 2010 World Cup Soccer, reached the public domain on the eve of Freedom Day.
According to Mari Harris of Markinor, these results were extrapolated from the World Values Survey, conducted every five years, for the Centre for International and Comparative Politics at the University of Stellenbosch.
Apart from the proudly South African feedback, more than nine in every ten respondents across all population groups were also strongly committed to the country: (Blacks 96%, Whites 92%, Coloureds 98%, Indians 92%).
Harris said: “The overall result (95%) is on the same level as that measured in the 2001 World Values Survey, although the proportion who are “very proud” increased from 72% in 2001 to 78%.”
However, the proudest people came from the Northern Cape, Limpopo and the Free State.
In an overall sample of 95%, the ANC (98%) eclipsed the Democratic Alliance (94%) and Inkatha Freedom Party (94%) were among the three biggest political parties’ supporters who revealed that they were “very and quite proud” to be South African. South Africans gave apartheid a rating of one (very bad) and ten (very good) for democracy as the system of governing the country and a future political system on a 10-point scale.
Black South Africans, who form the bedrock of support base for the ANC, appear to be the “most positive” about the current and future political systems, while their White counterparts were the “most negative”. The three minority population groups were more positive than negative, averaging more than 5 out of 10.
Black South Africans who form the bedrock of support for the ANC appear to be the “most positive” about the current and future political systems, while their White counterparts were the “most negative”. The three minority population groups are, however, more positive than negative, averaging more than 5 out of 10.
When it comes to trusting each, South Africans need to work on their interpersonal relations. On a 10-point scale, 1 meaning “most people can be trusted” and 10 meaning that you “need to be very careful”, the total score was 7.7 out of 10 and with results revealing that older people were likely to be slightly more trusting than others.
With foreign investments flowing, South Africa is on a roll ahead of the happy days as police collar the criminals and the brain drain reverses its ugly head.
Marlan Padayachee is a freelance journalist and independent political and social commenator who heads GreenGold Africa Communications in Durban, South Africa.
People are Proudly South African in the Old Home Town
By Marlan Padayachee
WORRIED about the old country or home town? Don’t worry, be happy because 95% of South Africans are upbeat about how democracy is reshaping their lifestyle and the landscape.
A recent survey conducted reveals that the overwhelming majority of citizens are proud to be South African. The nation prefers democracy as a governing system, saying it will ultimately develop a positive future for the world’s youngest democracy.
Thirteen years later after founding president Nelson Rolihlahla
Mandela cast the first all-race vote on April 27, 1994, heralding the birth of the new South Africa with its rainbow flag, South Africans, according to the latest sample of 3 000 randomly selected interviewees, 19 out of every 20 said they “very” or “quite proud” of their country.
This show of optimism in a country battling the post-apartheid pangs of crime, domestic violence, poverty, unemployment, illegal immigrants, HIV-AIDS, racism, nepotism, cronyism and the high cost of building materials and telecommunications ahead of the 2010 World Cup Soccer, reached the public domain on the eve of Freedom Day.
According to Mari Harris of Markinor, these results were extrapolated from the World Values Survey, conducted every five years, for the Centre for International and Comparative Politics at the University of Stellenbosch.
Apart from the proudly South African feedback, more than nine in every ten respondents across all population groups were also strongly committed to the country: (Blacks 96%, Whites 92%, Coloureds 98%, Indians 92%).
Harris said: “The overall result (95%) is on the same level as that measured in the 2001 World Values Survey, although the proportion who are “very proud” increased from 72% in 2001 to 78%.”
However, the proudest people came from the Northern Cape, Limpopo and the Free State.
In an overall sample of 95%, the ANC (98%) eclipsed the Democratic Alliance (94%) and Inkatha Freedom Party (94%) were among the three biggest political parties’ supporters who revealed that they were “very and quite proud” to be South African. South Africans gave apartheid a rating of one (very bad) and ten (very good) for democracy as the system of governing the country and a future political system on a 10-point scale.
Black South Africans, who form the bedrock of support base for the ANC, appear to be the “most positive” about the current and future political systems, while their White counterparts were the “most negative”. The three minority population groups were more positive than negative, averaging more than 5 out of 10.
Black South Africans who form the bedrock of support for the ANC appear to be the “most positive” about the current and future political systems, while their White counterparts were the “most negative”. The three minority population groups are, however, more positive than negative, averaging more than 5 out of 10.
When it comes to trusting each, South Africans need to work on their interpersonal relations. On a 10-point scale, 1 meaning “most people can be trusted” and 10 meaning that you “need to be very careful”, the total score was 7.7 out of 10 and with results revealing that older people were likely to be slightly more trusting than others.
With foreign investments flowing, South Africa is on a roll ahead of the happy days as police collar the criminals and the brain drain reverses its ugly head.
Marlan Padayachee is a freelance journalist and independent political and social commenator who heads GreenGold Africa Communications in Durban, South Africa.
It's New York, New York, My China
It’s New York, New York, My China
Marlan Padayachee, on a recent family holiday to the USA, captures the highlights of his return to New York.
DURING THE Fall I revisited the United States after my first foray into the “Land of the Free, Home of the Brave” ten years ago as a guest of the Clinton Administration.
This trip, however, was a far cry from the hectic schedule of 1996, which took me into the White House and briefings with other political and social agencies as well as journalism schools from Michigan to Seattle.
On the final leg of that visit, I touched down in New York and scurried for political pilgrimage to the flag-decked United Nations building, filled with a sense of patriotism and pride that once an outlawed country had finally earned its place in the General Assembly, almost 50 years after Indian Ambassador Sarojini Naidoo declared Apartheid a crime against humanity to this world forum.
I marveled at the architectural genius and the sights and sounds of the World Trade Center, little realizing that even this mighty skyscraper could fall one day.
New York was the cherry on the top of an exhaustive visit in which ordinary Americans volunteered their time to ensure that the United States Information Services’ international visitors enjoyed a glimpse of the diversity of a multicultural society.
This time New York was the first port of call, where immigration and custom authorities at JFK International Airport waved the chequered flag for our journey to small-town America amidst the cornfields and tractors via Minneapolis and on to Lake Tetonka.
In the humdrum of a 24-hour society, I went back to basics, following the route marker up the escalator with a signage that says: Walk Left, Stand Right.
Even driving poses a cultural shock, but it was not too long before I steered on the right side of the road, getting used to the law that the left is for oncoming traffic.
Heading back to JFK, with a welcoming glow of hospitality from the Statue of Liberty, New York a decade later posed a new challenge, certainly tons of water had passed since the changing of the guard at the White House and City Hall.
Comforted by the zero-tolerance stance on crime, we ventured out into the hustle and bustle of the Big Apple where the world communities crisscross between Wall Street and Time Square, happily clicking digitized images of the centre of the world.
On the Manhattan skyline, there she stood, stoically, as a stark reminder of the blood, sweat and tears of millions of immigrants who had transformed the Wild West into one of the nerve centers of the global village. The Statue of Liberty is a landmark of note, inspiring hundreds of thousands to chase the American Dream.
Ferried across the Brooklyn Bridge, New York and Manhattan during the day epitomize the prosperity and peace of these twinned centers of economic rhythm and cultural diversity.
Ten years later, Ground Zero tells a poignant story of one of the worst post-modern human tragedies, in which market capitalism clashed violently with religious fundamentalism, spiraling a world drama of untold grief and sadness over the loss of lives.
With the place of weeping securely cordoned off, construction work continues as New York rebuilds its pinnacle.
At night, New York is a different story. Time Square, in all its glitter of the electronic giant billboard advertising drives home the icon that this is indeed a mega-city that never sleeps.
Expensive as it may be, New York is still a good deal for the world’s tourists, with Chinatown taking the bun. A cacophony of cultural diffusion, these side-walks of inner-city trading symbolizes the heart and soul of Reality Street.
Dollar signs are etched on the faces of the Chinese, Indian and African-American traders, vendors and hustlers, working cheek-by-jowl and all jockeying for the magic currency in their eagerness to trade off Made-in-China Gucci or Louis Vuitton handbag, or Dolce & Gabbana T-shirt or Polo perfume for some hard cash.
New York is New York: streetwise survival is the key to the daily grind that consumes natives and tourists alike, as millions of dollars change hands as locals put McDonald’s and chop-suey on the table each night.
The air-train that drops us on the doorstep of the hotel is a plus for tourism, but take note of the anti-crime poster that says: “See Something, Do Something.” I suppose it’s the right thing to do rather than being left out from making a difference to the world’s most vibrant city.
With the skyline fading in the background, I am reminded about the story of David Patrick Columbia who arrived in New York as a super-optimist, dreaming of a top-notch position, but did a low-level assistant job. On a grey, damp Manhattan morning, he could have stayed in bed and moaned, but took to the streets on his “walk of thanks,” admiring a mother walking her baby, recognizing that the toddler’s smile made him happier, and watching a jet in the sky and marveling at the science of flying. Then he navigated the hustle and bustle from the “sizzling smells of the bistros to the eye-catching store-window displays”.
Hours later, he was feeling thankful that he had relocated to the Big Apple. Today, he’s a successful media entrepreneur and still takes his gratitude strolls to stay focused on the bright side of NYC.
Yep, it’s time to walk left, stand right.
+ Marlan Padayachee is a former political correspondent at Independent Newspapers and an independent international freelance journalist, who runs a media-communications consultancy: greengold@telkomsa.net or ixopokwazulu@gmail.com
Marlan Padayachee, on a recent family holiday to the USA, captures the highlights of his return to New York.
DURING THE Fall I revisited the United States after my first foray into the “Land of the Free, Home of the Brave” ten years ago as a guest of the Clinton Administration.
This trip, however, was a far cry from the hectic schedule of 1996, which took me into the White House and briefings with other political and social agencies as well as journalism schools from Michigan to Seattle.
On the final leg of that visit, I touched down in New York and scurried for political pilgrimage to the flag-decked United Nations building, filled with a sense of patriotism and pride that once an outlawed country had finally earned its place in the General Assembly, almost 50 years after Indian Ambassador Sarojini Naidoo declared Apartheid a crime against humanity to this world forum.
I marveled at the architectural genius and the sights and sounds of the World Trade Center, little realizing that even this mighty skyscraper could fall one day.
New York was the cherry on the top of an exhaustive visit in which ordinary Americans volunteered their time to ensure that the United States Information Services’ international visitors enjoyed a glimpse of the diversity of a multicultural society.
This time New York was the first port of call, where immigration and custom authorities at JFK International Airport waved the chequered flag for our journey to small-town America amidst the cornfields and tractors via Minneapolis and on to Lake Tetonka.
In the humdrum of a 24-hour society, I went back to basics, following the route marker up the escalator with a signage that says: Walk Left, Stand Right.
Even driving poses a cultural shock, but it was not too long before I steered on the right side of the road, getting used to the law that the left is for oncoming traffic.
Heading back to JFK, with a welcoming glow of hospitality from the Statue of Liberty, New York a decade later posed a new challenge, certainly tons of water had passed since the changing of the guard at the White House and City Hall.
Comforted by the zero-tolerance stance on crime, we ventured out into the hustle and bustle of the Big Apple where the world communities crisscross between Wall Street and Time Square, happily clicking digitized images of the centre of the world.
On the Manhattan skyline, there she stood, stoically, as a stark reminder of the blood, sweat and tears of millions of immigrants who had transformed the Wild West into one of the nerve centers of the global village. The Statue of Liberty is a landmark of note, inspiring hundreds of thousands to chase the American Dream.
Ferried across the Brooklyn Bridge, New York and Manhattan during the day epitomize the prosperity and peace of these twinned centers of economic rhythm and cultural diversity.
Ten years later, Ground Zero tells a poignant story of one of the worst post-modern human tragedies, in which market capitalism clashed violently with religious fundamentalism, spiraling a world drama of untold grief and sadness over the loss of lives.
With the place of weeping securely cordoned off, construction work continues as New York rebuilds its pinnacle.
At night, New York is a different story. Time Square, in all its glitter of the electronic giant billboard advertising drives home the icon that this is indeed a mega-city that never sleeps.
Expensive as it may be, New York is still a good deal for the world’s tourists, with Chinatown taking the bun. A cacophony of cultural diffusion, these side-walks of inner-city trading symbolizes the heart and soul of Reality Street.
Dollar signs are etched on the faces of the Chinese, Indian and African-American traders, vendors and hustlers, working cheek-by-jowl and all jockeying for the magic currency in their eagerness to trade off Made-in-China Gucci or Louis Vuitton handbag, or Dolce & Gabbana T-shirt or Polo perfume for some hard cash.
New York is New York: streetwise survival is the key to the daily grind that consumes natives and tourists alike, as millions of dollars change hands as locals put McDonald’s and chop-suey on the table each night.
The air-train that drops us on the doorstep of the hotel is a plus for tourism, but take note of the anti-crime poster that says: “See Something, Do Something.” I suppose it’s the right thing to do rather than being left out from making a difference to the world’s most vibrant city.
With the skyline fading in the background, I am reminded about the story of David Patrick Columbia who arrived in New York as a super-optimist, dreaming of a top-notch position, but did a low-level assistant job. On a grey, damp Manhattan morning, he could have stayed in bed and moaned, but took to the streets on his “walk of thanks,” admiring a mother walking her baby, recognizing that the toddler’s smile made him happier, and watching a jet in the sky and marveling at the science of flying. Then he navigated the hustle and bustle from the “sizzling smells of the bistros to the eye-catching store-window displays”.
Hours later, he was feeling thankful that he had relocated to the Big Apple. Today, he’s a successful media entrepreneur and still takes his gratitude strolls to stay focused on the bright side of NYC.
Yep, it’s time to walk left, stand right.
+ Marlan Padayachee is a former political correspondent at Independent Newspapers and an independent international freelance journalist, who runs a media-communications consultancy: greengold@telkomsa.net or ixopokwazulu@gmail.com
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